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In response to the Liaison Committee on Medical Education mandate that medical education must address both the needs of an increasingly diverse society and disparities in health care, medical schools have implemented a wide variety of programs in cultural competency. The authors critically analyze the concept of cultural competency and propose that multicultural education must go beyond the traditional notions of "competency" (i.e., knowledge, skills, and attitudes). It must involve the fostering of a critical awareness--a critical consciousness--of the self, others, and the world and a commitment to addressing issues of societal relevance in health care. They describe critical consciousness and posit that it is different from, albeit complementary to, critical thinking, and suggest that both are essential in the training of physicians. The authors also propose that the object of knowledge involved in critical consciousness and in learning about areas of medicine with social relevance--multicultural education, professionalism, medical ethics, etc.--is fundamentally different from that acquired in the biomedical sciences. They discuss how aspects of multicultural education are addressed at the University of Michigan Medical School. Central to the fostering of critical consciousness are engaging dialogue in a safe environment, a change in the traditional relationship between teachers and students, faculty development, and critical assessment of individual development and programmatic goals. Such an orientation will lead to the training of physicians equally skilled in the biomedical aspects of medicine and in the role medicine plays in ensuring social justice and meeting human needs.
Little is known about the ethical dilemmas that medical students believe they encounter while working in hospitals or how students feel these dilemmas affect them. The authors examine how clinical students perceive their ethical environment, their feelings about their dilemmas, and whether these dilemmas erode students' ethical principles. An anonymous mail survey was sent in 1992-93 to the 1,853 third- and fourth-year medical students enrolled at six Pennsylvania medical schools. The survey addressed whether students had encountered situations they felt were ethically problematic, their attitudes toward these situations, and their perceptions of their personal ethical development. Data were analyzed with logistic regression; respondents' comments were analyzed qualitatively. Of the 665 students (36%) who responded, 58% reported having done something they believed was unethical, and 52% reported having misled a patient; 80% reported at least one of these two behaviors. In addition, 98% had heard physicians refer derogatorily to patients; 61% had witnessed what they believed to be unethical behavior by other medical team members, and of these students, 54% felt like accomplices. Many students reported dissatisfaction with their actions and ethical development: 67% had felt bad or guilty about something they had done as clinical clerks; 62% believed that at least some of their ethical principles had been eroded or lost. Controlling for other factors, students who had witnessed an episode of unethical behavior were more likely to have acted improperly themselves for fear of poor evaluation [odds ratio, OR, 1.37 (95% CI, 1.18-1.60)] or to fit in with the team [OR 1.45 (1.25-1.69)]. Moreover, students were twice as likely to report erosion of their ethical principles if they had behaved unethically for fear of poor evaluation [OR 2.25 (1.47-3.45)] or to fit in with the team [OR 1.78 (1.18-2.71)]. The ethical dilemmas that medical students perceive as affecting them while serving as clinical clerks are apparently common and often detrimental, and warrant the attention of physicians, educators, and ethicists.
It has long been known that medical students become more cynical as they move through their training, and at times even exhibit "ethical erosion." This study examines one dimension of this phenomenon: how medical students perceive and use derogatory and cynical humor directed at patients. The authors conducted five voluntary focus groups over a three-month period with 58 third- and fourth-year medical students at the Northeastern Ohio Universities College of Medicine in 2005. After transcribing the taped interviews, the authors analyzed the data using qualitative methods and identified themes found across groups. The categories that emerged from the data were (1) categories of patients who are objects of humor, including those deemed "fair game" due to obesity or other conditions perceived as preventable or self-inflicted; (2) locations for humor; (3) the "humor game," including student, resident, and faculty interaction and initiation of humor; (4) not-funny humor; and (5) motives for humor, including coping and stress relief. The authors offer recommendations for addressing the use of derogatory humor directed at patients that include a more critical, open discussion of these attitudes and behaviors with medical students, residents, and attending physicians, and more vigorous attention to faculty development for residents.
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